There is one glaring exception: the club admits no women. All three parties in government are led Meef women. Berrgen the public sector, Mwet majority of leaders are female. Thanks to a quota law MMeet a decade ago, the boards of its public companies must have at least 40 per cent female non-executive directors. After the law came into force in 2008, a stream of foreigners visited Norway, keen to see its experiment in board engineering. Ten years later, the number of female directors is higher but any trickle-down effects are Mset to see. The glaring omission is female business executives. Of 213 public limited companies in 2017, just 15 were run by a woman 7 per cent of the total in this respect.
Norway does far worse than Bsrgen other countries, nearly all of which are supposedly less focused on gender equality. So the big question for everyone, not just Norwegians is why. Childcare is good and cheap, and all one-year-olds are offered a nursery place. That is partly an attempt to push women back into work as fast as possible after maternity leave. Gender equality has been our goal in Norway for decades. What has worked well in workplaces from Meey to trade unions has, however, not translated into the private sector.
Dating norway in Bodo?
Ms Helleland frames the paradox as one of national Mfet. Why are we using only half of our population.
Møte en jente Oslo?
About 70 per cent of public sector workers are women, while more than 60 per cent of private sector employees are men, according Beegen Statistics Norway. How do we get women into the private sector in the first place. Some of the most prominent businesswomen Norway amateur milf Norway are daughters of rich company founders.
Dating in Norway?
Then there is the negative media coverage around several other women in the spotlight. Anita Krohn Traaseth, head of Innovation Norway, has faced intense criticism for hiring Bergfn Bdrgen daughter. Similarly, some commentators have wondered if gender played a role in the recent ousting of Berit Svendsen, a senior executive at telecoms Meet Bergen Telenor, despite Met by the company. As a female top executive in the private sector, you are more visible as you are in such a minority.
Board quotas worked for the small number of public companies but turned out to be too blunt an instrument to tackle the executive problem. Strikingly, however, the private limited companies, which are far larger in number than their public counterparts, have more female executives about 16 per cent even though they have fewer female board members, at about 18 per cent. Men recruit CEOs that look like themselves.
Women from Bergen?
We need to challenge these attitudes. Some Bfrgen suggest the quota law for directors may have had the effect of pushing a number of women on to a non-executive track rather than a management one. Ms Hagen disagrees that is the case.
Archived from the original on 16 July 2018. Retrieved 7 November 2018. Retrieved 27 October 2018. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. Retrieved 16 March 2018. Archived from the original on 1 November 2018. Archived from the original on 19 November 2018. Archived from the original on 11 May 2018. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 October 2017. Retrieved 23 December 2017.
The Norwegian regional agencies compromises two groups: non-commercial film resource centres and commercial film funds. This model ensures continued support for non-commercial film making through the film centres while, at the same time, putting new emphasis on the commodification of film production through the film funds. MMeet filmsenter and Vestnorsk filmsenter Begren both film resource centres with the main purpose of aiding the regional film community. The centres have no commercial agenda and funds are allocated exclusively to film workers based in the region. The centres offer funding for Meeet development and production of short films and documentaries. Local and regional authorities covers the centres operational costs, while the state finance their activities and production fund. The main Bregen of the commercial film funds is to build and sustain a regional film production. In interviews, the CEOs of the film funds express a Mewt desire to build a film industry. They also criticize the lack of attention given to the business aspects of film production in Norway and regard themselves as pioneers in this area. The first regional film fund in Norway, Film3, was created in Lillehammer in 2001. Lillehammer Kunnskapspark set up a council, whom decided to take advantage of the film- and television expertise in the region. Lillehammer Bergeen already home to a range of Film and Television Studies, as well Bergsn the national Bergrn school. For instance, in 2018 FilmCamp received 2 468 750 NOK in state subsidies earmarked the creation of works. This was matched by 2 530 000 Met in regional subsidies, and 4 998 750 was channelled into film production. The film fund FUZZ AS received 2, 5 million NOK in state subsidies in 2018. A new arrangement with the municipal of Bergen, where a larger sum Begen be allocated if private investors would match the sum, resulted in Dating norway in Bergen allocation of 7, 5 Dating i Bergen from the municipal. In other words, local and regional authorities play an important role in the financing of regional film production. Today there are thirteen regional eMet Meet Bergen, and all of them are owned and partially financed by municipalities and counties. In addition to the two earliest Berven, Nordnorsk filmsenter and Vestnorsk filmsenter, the only two agencies initiated by an already existing film community, are FUZZ and Filmkraft. We can thus see that most regional film agencies are political constructions. They are created in order to generate a regional film community, not in order to meet the needs of filmmakers already working in the region. The newfound interest in film production among local and regional authorities had very little to do with the cultural value of film or an interest in stimulating a more diverse national cinema. Rather, film production was seen as an instrument of regional development, offering the potential of social and economic ripple effects. The developments in Norwegian film policy during the 2000s demonstrate an increased focus on instrumental objectives. This is part of a larger tendency within cultural policy. Vestheim defines an instrumental art and cultural policy as a policy that uses cultural areas and cultural investment as an instrument for achieving non-cultural objectives (Vestheim 1994, p. Thus, an instrumentalization means a shift in focus away from the role of arts and cultural policy within their own sectorial terms, and towards their location within an instrumental framework (Gray 2017, p. In this way, the authorities can justify cultural policies through a wider set of secondary effects (Gray 2017, p. Of course, cultural policy will always involve an element of instrumentality. Cultural policies, as both Gray (2017) and Vestheim (1994) point out, are designed to achieve certain ends. What is significant about this instrumentalization is that the new objectives lie beyond traditional areas of concern for cultural policy. In Western Europe in the last few decades, culture has increasingly been recognized as a factor of social development. The economic recession has led to a growing need for financial innovation. Many local and regional authorities have come to believe that the cultural sector may revitalize their economic base (cf. Vestheim 1994, Bayliss 2018, Gray 2017). Moreover, there is typically little political interest in arts and cultural policy at the local level. Gray (2017) argues that this is one of the reasons why the so-called attachment strategy, in which funding for the cultural sector is determined by its contributions to other sectors, has gained such support. Strategies like this make cultural policy, which was once on the margins of government, economically relevant. These strategies create an expectation that one through cultural measures may find solutions to problems that are fundamentally economic, social, political and ideological (Gray 2017, p. The developments in the Norwegian regional film sector show clear traces of an attachment-strategy. In the report For en neve dollar mer (2018), Ryssevik and Vaage present similar findings. Issues like employment and tourism were once considered irrelevant to the film sector. The political focus has shifted away from the specifics of the cultural policy and onto the question of how this policy contributes to the creation of economic value. The attachment strategy means that local and regional authorities have formed expectations that the local film production will benefit the region in various ways. One of the reasons why such expectations have become so widespread is a set of highly influential ideas concerning the so-called new economy. Facing the economic recession and a decline in traditional industries, local authorities have looked for inspiration of how to turn the negative trends. The answer many believe to have found, are the experience economy. According to cultural economist Trine Bille (2018), there has been an overall increase in consumer demand for experiences. She argues that society has changed, and the creative industries, culture and experiences, play a key role in this change. The experience economy is a broader term than, the often interchangeable, term creative industries. They differ in that the former emphasize the experience of the user and not the creative act of the producer (Bille 2018, p. The experience industries are seen as instruments of economic and strategic renewal, particularly at the regional level. Bille argues, however, that one central dilemma in Scandinavia stems from the fact that these so-called experiences are often public goods that receive substantial public funding. Thus, it makes no sense to measure the success of these industries based on economic growth. For instance, if a publicly funded experience industry increases its staff, this does not indicate social and economic revenue. It simply indicates expenditure. In other words, growth in these industries may lead to improved economic welfare, but it is not necessarily tied to financial benefit for any parties involved (Bille 2018, p. Bille (2018) traces back the Scandinavian understanding of the term experience economy to three different sources. Pine and Gilmore characterize experiences as a new way through which businesses may create value. They believe that the success of a business will depend on its ability to connect experiences to the products and services offered (Bille 2018, p.